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Cultural experience can shape what viewers notice, which movements they find beautiful, and how they interpret a dance’s emotion—but it does not dictate a uniform response. Recent studies of Iranian dance found that familiarity and embodied experience sometimes mattered more than nationality, while results varied across experiments and measures. The clearest lesson is that viewers bring learned expectations to movement, not that any country’s audience sees dance in one fixed way.

What viewers bring to a dance

A movement does not carry a single, universally understood meaning. Viewers may recognize a gesture, rhythm, or group formation through conventions they have learned by watching, participating in, or living around a tradition. Those experiences can affect whether movement reads as joyful, expressive, beautiful, or culturally significant.

That does not mean people can only understand dances from their own background. It means perception is partly learned: the same visible movement can invite different interpretations depending on what a viewer knows and has experienced. Familiarity is not simply a passport or birthplace. It may include repeated exposure, participation, and embodied knowledge of how a tradition uses movement.

The distinction matters because studies often compare groups, but a group label is only a rough proxy for an individual’s experience. In a 2026 study, researchers found that continuous measures of enculturation could reveal differences that categorical labels such as Iranian or English did not capture as well. ( Christensen et al., 2026)

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What recent studies of Iranian dance found

Two 2026 studies examined responses to Iranian dance, but they used different samples, experiments, and outcome measures. Their findings should be read alongside one another, not combined into a single claim about how cultural groups respond.

A 120-person study: liking and enculturation

A preregistered experiment with 120 Iranian, English, and Southeast Asian participants found no overall difference between the groups in aesthetic liking of the presented Iranian classical dance stimuli. Iranian and English participants nevertheless showed sensitivity to joyful expressivity. English enculturation modulated aesthetic judgments in this study, whereas Iranian enculturation did not; Iranian enculturation did predict that participants reported greater importance for Persian dance. The authors argue that measuring enculturation continuously can show distinctions that broad group categories may miss. ( Christensen et al., 2026)

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A 242-person study: beauty ratings and movement type

A separate paper reported three experiments involving 242 Iranian and English participants who viewed Iranian dance stimuli. It found an overall cultural-group effect: Iranian participants rated the stimuli higher overall than English participants. Joyful movements were preferred overall, and Iranian participants rated lower-body and staccato movements as more beautiful than English participants. The authors suggest that unfamiliarity with the subtle role of lower-body movement in Iranian dance may help explain that difference. Intended emotion and movement type were stronger modulators of reported judgments than motion energy or luminance. ( Khorsandi et al., 2026)

These results are not a contradiction that can be resolved by saying one study is right and the other wrong. One found no overall group difference in liking; the other found group differences in ratings of Iranian dance. They involved distinct experiments and samples and did not measure exactly the same response. Taken together, they suggest that the apparent role of culture depends partly on what is being judged—liking, emotion, expressivity, beauty, or cultural importance—and how familiarity is measured.

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A different example: preferences for unison

A 2022 study comparing Japanese and British participants found that British participants preferred asynchronous group dance to synchronous dance, while Japanese participants liked synchronous and asynchronous movement equally. The authors linked this difference to culturally specific social meanings associated with unison movement. This is evidence about the participants and dances studied, not a rule that all Japanese or British viewers share the same preference. ( Monroy et al., 2022)

The example also shows why cultural interpretation is not limited to a dance’s steps. A formation such as moving in unison may carry social associations that affect how it feels or looks to a viewer. Those associations can be learned, contested, or different for people within the same society.

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Why social history matters to aesthetic judgment

Dance is also bound up with identity and power. The Oxford Handbook of Dance and Ethnicity examines how dance represents and performs ethnicity, and how practices can maintain, challenge, resist, or change identities. Its overview notes histories of exclusion and suppression, including racialized judgments about Black dancers’ suitability for ballet and bans on Indigenous and sacred dances. ( Oxford Handbook of Dance and Ethnicity)

Anthropologist Susan A. Reed’s review of dance and structured movement likewise treats embodiment as political and cultural. It discusses colonial cultures, gender and national identity, exoticization, and the making of social bodies. ( Reed, 1998)

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This context helps explain why an aesthetic response is not always a neutral reaction to visible form. Viewers may have learned which bodies, movements, or traditions are treated as refined, familiar, strange, or worthy of a stage. Calling a dance “exotic” as though its meaning were self-evident can obscure the viewer’s own assumptions and the tradition’s history.

For further reading, The Oxford Handbook of Dance and Ethnicity, edited by Anthony Shay and Barbara Sellers-Young, is an academic reference on dance, ethnicity, and identity rather than a beginner’s dance manual. ( Oxford University Press)

How to interpret cross-cultural dance research

When reading a claim that one culture prefers or understands a dance differently, check what researchers actually compared. The wording “people from culture X like this dance more” may conceal several distinct questions:

  • Who took part? A sample from a few backgrounds does not represent every person in those societies.
  • What dance and movements were shown? Findings about Iranian classical dance, for example, should not be generalized automatically to other Iranian forms or dance traditions.
  • What outcome was measured? Liking, beauty, emotional recognition, expressivity, and perceived cultural importance are related but not interchangeable.
  • Was experience measured directly? Familiarity, participation, and enculturation may explain individual differences that nationality alone cannot.
  • What social meanings surround the movement? History and power can shape both the conventions viewers learn and the judgments they make.

For viewers, the practical implication is simple: notice your first interpretation, then ask what experience or expectation might be behind it. For researchers and critics, it is to describe the particular dance, sample, and response being studied rather than treating culture as a fixed trait.

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