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U.S. university faculty remain less racially and ethnically diverse than the students they teach, and representation also varies sharply by academic rank and job security. The latest figures in the available evidence describe faculty in fall 2023; they do not provide a matched, same-year comparison with students. The pattern is best understood as the result of a long academic career pipeline interacting with uneven hiring, promotion, appointment, and retention—not as the effect of one proven cause.
What the latest figures show—and what they do not
The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) reports that in fall 2023, full-time faculty at degree-granting postsecondary institutions in the 50 states and District of Columbia were 72% White, 13% Asian, 7% Hispanic, and 7% Black. The shares are rounded, so they add to more than 100%. These figures describe faculty composition; they should not be treated as a direct measure of the gap with students because the NCES extract does not provide a matched student comparison for the same year and scope. NCES, Report on the Condition of Education 2025: Characteristics of Postsecondary Faculty (published 2026, using fall 2023 data).
A separate American Association of University Professors (AAUP) snapshot shows why a single faculty-wide percentage can hide important differences. It analyzes nonmedical instructional staff, with or without formal faculty status, at degree-granting nonprofit Title IV institutions, using provisional 2023–24 IPEDS Human Resources data. That population is related to, but not interchangeable with, NCES’s full-time faculty population. AAUP, Data Snapshot: Women Faculty and Faculty of Color, Fall 2023 (2025).
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Representation changes across rank and appointment security
In AAUP’s fall 2023 snapshot, women made up 54.5% of assistant professors but 37.2% of full professors. Underrepresented minorities (URM), as defined by the snapshot’s specified IPEDS race and ethnicity groups, made up 9.1% of full professors, including 4.5% Hispanic or Latino and 4.2% Black or African American. URM is a measurement grouping, not a single community or identity.
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Appointment security also differs across groups in the same snapshot. Among full-time faculty, 52.1% of women and 62.2% of men held tenured or tenure-track appointments. The corresponding shares were 55.9% for URM faculty, 56.6% for White faculty, and 65.3% for Asian faculty. These are descriptive differences, not proof of why they arise.
Taken together, the rank and appointment figures show how broader entry-level representation can coexist with lower representation at senior ranks or in more secure positions. Counts of who is hired today cannot by themselves show whether institutions are retaining and advancing faculty over time.
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Why the gap persists: interacting pressures, not a ranked list
The academic pathway is long and costly
Becoming a professor typically means progressing through undergraduate study, graduate training, and competitive academic hiring. That extended route can make access to doctoral education a bottleneck. An Associated Press account of a 2024 Government Accountability Office report describes experts’ concerns that low doctoral stipends, high living costs, and caregiving expenses can make academic careers harder to pursue, particularly for students from low-income backgrounds. The account also identifies supportive campus climate as relevant to whether faculty stay. These observations identify plausible pressures, but they do not establish a national estimate of how much any one factor causes the faculty diversity gap. Associated Press, “Racial diversity among college faculty lags behind other professional fields, US report finds” (April 9, 2024).
Training prestige and hiring are unevenly distributed
A 2022 study of tenure-track faculty at U.S. PhD-granting universities examined hiring and retention from 2011 through 2020. It found inequalities in faculty production, prestige, and retention, as well as gender disparities; attrition was higher among faculty trained outside the United States or employed at the university where they earned their doctorate. The findings help explain how access to influential training institutions and hiring networks may shape faculty careers. They do not, by themselves, demonstrate that these patterns cause national racial or ethnic representation gaps. Nature, “Quantifying hierarchy and dynamics in US faculty hiring and retention” (2022).
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Hiring is only one point in a career
Representation can shift between entry-level hiring, tenure review, promotion, and retention. The AAUP disparities by rank and appointment status show why evaluating recruitment alone can miss what happens after faculty join an institution. The GAO report, as summarized by AP, also points to campus climate as a retention consideration. The evidence supports treating recruitment, career progression, job security, and retention as connected parts of the issue; it does not establish a single causal pathway or rank these contributors by importance.
How to compare faculty diversity figures responsibly
Published percentages can look contradictory when they count different people or use different categories. Before comparing institutions, years, or demographic groups, check whether the figures align on:
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- Population: full-time faculty or all instructional staff, and whether medical faculty are included.
- Appointment: tenure-track and tenured positions or contingent appointments as well.
- Career stage: assistant, associate, or full professor, rather than an all-ranks total.
- Institution scope: public or private control, nonprofit status, and institution type.
- Demographic definitions: the race, ethnicity, and gender categories used, including treatment of nonresident faculty and people with unknown race or ethnicity.
- Time and data status: the year measured and whether the data are provisional or final.
For example, NCES’s 2026 report covers full-time faculty across degree-granting institutions in the 50 states and District of Columbia. AAUP’s 2025 snapshot covers nonmedical instructional staff at degree-granting nonprofit Title IV institutions and uses provisional IPEDS data. Their figures answer related but different questions.
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Important limits in the available data
IPEDS categories and AAUP’s URM grouping are statistical classifications, not descriptions of uniform experiences within broad communities. AAUP notes that IPEDS does not collect full-time faculty salary data by race and ethnicity, so its gender-disaggregated salary data cannot establish racial salary differences. The snapshot also relies on binary gender reporting and therefore cannot analyze nonbinary faculty.
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The available figures do not establish a single causal estimate for why faculty demographics lag student demographics, nor do they rank the contributing factors. Older comparisons between faculty and the broader population should not be presented as if they were a current, matched comparison with students.
What universities can track
A more informative assessment follows faculty careers rather than relying on one workforce-wide percentage. Institutions can track recruitment into full-time roles, progression through tenure and promotion, retention, and campus climate, disaggregated by demographic group and institution type. That approach makes it possible to identify where representation changes across the career path without assuming that demographic matching alone is the goal or that any single intervention guarantees improvement.
Appointment security matters to the broader work of universities, too. The AAUP page reproduces the 1940 Statement of Principles on Academic Freedom and Tenure: “Freedom and economic security, hence, tenure, are indispensable to the success of an institution in fulfilling its obligations to its students and to society.” This frames the importance of security; it is not evidence that tenure itself explains diversity outcomes.
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